Illubabor Province

Illubabor was a province in the south-western part of Ethiopia, along the border with Sudan. The name Illubabor is said to come from two Oromo words, "Illu" and "Ababor(a)". "Illu" is a name of a place, and "Ababor" a name of a person; hence IlluAbabor means a place called Illu belonging to Ababor(a). There is also a place called Illu-Abasambi named for the same reason in similar fashion.

Originally, its capital city was Gore, then around 1978 the capital was moved to Metu. [statoids|id=uet|title=States of Ethiopia] With the adoption of the constitution in 1995, the territory of Illubabor was divided between the Gambela, Oromia and the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples Regions of Ethiopia.1

Yasin Mohammed Ruffo

"'Border and Border-Crossing: The Case of Internal andExternal Migrants into and Out of Illubabor, 1904 - 1936"'

The modern Empire state of Ethiopia was created during the reign of Emperor Menilek II(1889-1913). The process was undertaken through the war of conquest against hithertoindependent states and peoples of southern, southwestern and southeastern parts of present dayEthiopia (Bahru Zewde, 2002: 60-61; Donald Donham and Wendy James, eds. 1986: 37-44).Menilek's conquest and expansion coincided with the colonial expansion of the European powersin the Horn of Africa, which lead to fierce competition with the colonial powers (G.H. Marcus,1975: 204-13).The major objective of this paper is to underscore the significance of border and bordercrossingwith particular emphasis on the internal and external migrants into and out of Illubabor.The internal migrants were the Shewan Amharas who took part in the conquest of the area. TheExternal migrants were foreigners who came to Illubabor crossing the border between Ethiopiaand the British-Sudan (Informants: Soboqa Tolosa, Mulatu Eshete).The state of Illubabor was founded by Chali Shone, popularly known as Aba Bora. Thestate of Illubabor was an independent Oromo state until it was conquered and occupied by theforces of Emperor Menilek II in 1889 (Yasin Mohammed, 1990: 35; Taye Namomisa, 1997: 5).The last king of the state of Illubabor was Fatansa Illu. When the Shewan forces invaded thestate of Illubabor, he sent messengers to Kumsa Moroda of Laqa Naqamte and Aba Jifar of Jimma to form an alliance and resist the Shewan expeditionary force (Informants: Khalifa Aba Jorga and Dawud Oumer). It is said that the delegates were warmly accepted by Kumsa Moroda. However, when they told himabout their mission, he rejected the idea on the ground that the Oromo forces could not resistShewan troops well armed with modern firearms. A number of states, witnessing the fate of theirneighbours submitted directly and retained local autonomy in return for the payment of a fixedannual tribute to the central government. Here, it is worth mentioning that the Laqa NaqamteOromo under Kumsa Moroda had already more knowledge about the strength of the Shewansand that they had created coordinal relation with Emperor Menilek II. The messages that weresent to Aba Jifar II was also rejected. Both Laqa Naqamte of Kumsa Moroda and Aba Jifar II ofJimma secured their autonomous status from Menilek (Tesema Taa, 1980: 70-75;. Herbert S.Lewis, 1965: 35-40).It was under these conditions that Ras Tassama commander of Emperor Menilek's forcehad advanced into the interior of Illubabor by crossing the traditional border of the area. Whenthe pioneers of the Shewan force reached the Gaba river the strong group of Fatansa's forcesbegan defensive attacks using spears and shields (Yasin Mohammed, 1990: 38). However, whenthe major Shewan forces headed by Ras Tassama reached the Gaba river, the Illu defensive lineswere broken and many Oromo villages were burnt down under the order of the Ras. After thisincident the Shewan forces advanced further into the heartland of Illubabor and camped at aplace called Qarsa Gogila, near today's Mattu town (informants: Itana Agamso, ChanyalewKumsa, Birhanu Mamo).
* The term Illubabor was coined from two words, Illu and Ababora. Illu was Oromo clan name, while Ababora was ahorse name of Chali Shone, founder of the state of Illubabor. Currently, Illubabor is one of the regions in westernOrmoia, Ethiopia.3After realizing the strength of the Shewans Fatansa Illu seem to have initially accepted theShewans suppressing his hostility. Fatansa did this for tactical reasons. He had even prepared afabulous feast for the invading Shewan forces at their camp at midnight. Nevertheless, Fatansagave orders to his soldiers to undertake a surprise attack against the Shewan forces and a bloodybattle took place between the two forces. In the end Fatansa's forces were overwhelmed by thefire power of Ras Tassama's forces and were defeated. Fatansa himself was captured andimprisoned at Barroi about five kilometers from Mattu town (Girma Legesse, 2007: 6; AbdissaHora, Adam Fedibessa; Khalifa Aba Jorga).Many factors had contributed to the victory of the Shewans. The Shewan army had severalriffles, pistols and cannons. The Shewans were also armed with traditional weapons such asswords, spears, lances and shields (Kofi Darkwah, 1975: 106; Informants: Firsa Dano, ImiruWayessa). Besides, the army was provided with intelligence services and reports. The Shewantroops consisted of a standing army and professional soldiers of the Gondorian riflemen. Theorganization of the army was hierarchical and were allotted to Rases, Fitawararis and lowranking soldiers (Zewde Dubale, 1976; 200-210; G. H. Marcus, 1975: 64; Informants: ItanaAgamso, Siraj Agamso).The Shewan conquest created an open space for internal migrants to move from NorthernEthiopia and settle in Illubabor. The conquering forces introduced new political, economic andsocial systems to the area. An elaborate military and political structures were superimposed onthe peasants whose members were settler-soldiers (Naftxaanyaa), garrisoned in different parts ofIllubabor (Markakis, 1974: 112. Yasin Mohammed, 1990: 40; Banti Sutuma, Bekele Tefera;Dawud Oumer).4Ras Tassama made Gore the seat of his administration (Minale Adugna, 1989: 5).Politically, the Shewan Amhara administrators occupied the higher echelons of power and someof the most loyal members of the Oromo elites were made balabats and were given positions inaccordance with the services they rendered in the feudal establishments (Informants: Firsa Danoand Imiru Wayessa). Economically, it is apparent that the motive behind the Shewan conquestwas to exploit the rich and resourceful land in the region. Before land measurement was executedtribute and taxes were levied on each household. The Shewan officials and soldiers who settledin Illubabor were assigned to a number of peasant households depending on the rank andpositions of the Naftxaanyaa. A Dajazmach received 1,000 peasant households, a Fitawurari300, a Qagnazmach 100 to 150; a Shambal 70 to 90; a Mato Alaqa 40 to 60, Hamsalaqa 25 to 35and an ordinary soldier 5 to 10 (Informants: Itana Agamso, Zewde Dubale).Each peasant household had to deliver one-third of his produce to his overland. Taxes werecollected from every married couple. In addition to payment of taxes and tribute the indigenousOromo society of Illubabor had multiple obligations. They had to construct houses and fences forthe Naftxaanyaa. They had to supply honey, butter, chicken and fattened sheep or goat onholidays. Each household had to produce fifty kilos of grounded cearls to each Naftxaanyaaevery month. This was often received by the wife of the Naftxaanyaa. Furthermore, the peasantshad to transport grain crops to the nearest government granaries (Zewde Dubale, 1976: 270-75;Yasin Mohammed, 1990: 45-46; Informants: Melese Sebhat, Mohammed Khalifa, SirajAgamso). Thus, the indigenous Oromo society was oppressed and marginalized. They becamethe gabbars of the newly established administrative system (Donald Crummey, 2000: 223;Informants: Ligidi Tucho, Mohammed Qadirye). If a gabbar failed to fulfill his duties, he would5be summoned to the court. As C.F. Rey had noticed ". . . The judges are the sub governorcreatures of course take the side of the plaintiff in nine cases out of ten " (C. F. Rey, 1923: 12).Our informants also report that the Naftxaanyaa could pass any judgment they wanted.There was no law restricting their power. The punishment of 40-80 lashes was a commonphenomenon. Whatever decisions they passed had to be accepted. Since there was not any meansto appeal to the other authorities or higher courts. Consequently, if any gabbar took the case ofany conflict between him and the Naftxaanyaa it ended always infevour of the former.Concerning this issue Marcus had recorded:"... in the judicial proceedings between thenortherners and southerners judgment wasqualified by political and administrative needs.Judges invariably favoured the Naftxaanyaa inthe dispute with gabbar (G.H. Marcus 1975:187).Informants also indicate that the only thing that was reserved for Emperor Menilek'sapproval was the capital punishment. But people were killed without even the consent of thegovernors especially in case of rebels or bandits (Informants: Abdissa Hora, Khalifa Aba Jorga).As already indicated above, the conquest of Illubabor and the establishment ofNaftxaanyaa-gabbar system, violating the traditional borders of Illubabor had created an openspace for internal migrants to move from the northern part of Ethiopia, particularly from Shewa,Gondor and Gojjam and settle in Illubabor. The groups that were involved in the conquestbecame administrators followed by traders and fortune seekers (Adrian Paul Wood, 1977: 70-75).The settlement and delimitation of the Western Ethiopian boundary with the British-Sudanthat began in 1898 resulted in a series of agreements between British-Sudan and Ethiopia (Bahru6Zewde, 1976: 272). Among the agreements, the important one was that of 1902, wherebyEmperor Menilek and the British agreed not to construct or allow to be constructed, any workacross the Blue Nile, Lake Tana, or the Sobat, which would arrest the flow of these waters intothe Nile except in agreement with the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan government (Bahru Zewde, 1976:276).Article IV of the agreement concerned with the lease of Gambella as a commercial portwhich statedHis majesty Emperor Menelik king of kings ofEthiopia engage himself to allow his Britanicamajesty's government and a government of theSudan to select the neighbourhood of Itang, on theBaro river, a bloc of territory having a river frontageof not more than 2,000 meters in area, and notexceeding 40 hectars which shall be leased to thegovernment of the Sudan to be administered andoccupied as a commercial station, so long as theSudan is under the Anglo-Egyptian government. It isagreed that the territory so leased shall not be usedfor any political or military purposes (O'sullivan,1905: 15).Itang was found unsuitable for the general commercial activity. During the rainy season itwas very difficult for traders and therefore there were complaints for the shift of this station upthe stream. (Birhanu Dibaba 1973: 38)Not many traders went to buy the imported items, except some Oromo from Anfillo andNegadras Biru's traders who went to purchase certain things for Ras Tassama, most of whichwere spoiled on the way back due to the rains and the over flooding of the river. Gambela whichis about 42 kilometers up the stream from Itang was established in 1904. (Bahru Zewde, 1976:285; Birhanu Dibaba, 1973: 48). The opening of Gambela inland port in 1904 gave an impetus to7the emergence of small interior markets of Gore, Bure, Mattu, Noppa and others. It also pavedthe way for external migrants to move and settle in Illubabor by crossing the boundary betweenEthiopia and the Sudan (Informant: Birhanu Mamo). Gore by 1905 was described by A.H.S.Landor as "... the significant administrative town in Illubabor. Economically, it had began todraw the attention of foreign traders." (A.H.S Landor, 1907: 3-5). Wilson met Greek traders atGore market who came from the British-Sudan to purchase coffee and beeswax. MohammedSala, a Yemeni Arab from the Sudan with great care and interest followed Wilson fromGambella to Gore (Wilson, 1905: 17).In 1905 Gore became an important seat of Ras Tassama. The town was said to have hadbi-weekly markets on Saturdays and Tuesdays that brought large number of peasants from thecountryside. In these markets were displayed such local products as cows, goats, sheep, donkeys,hides, ivory, civet, wax, coffee, wheat, barley, sorghum, maize, teff and rubber as well asclothes, mirror glass trinkets and other imported goods (Kelly, 1912:35). Gore, as G. Montandonreported in 1911, exported a large quality of ivory, rubber, coffee and wax to British-Sudan viaGambella (George Montandon, 1913: 35).Landor noted that civet cats were plentiful in Illubabor. Ras Tassama had many of them.The local balabats were compelled to bring them for him. Every eight days perfume wascollected from the perspiration of the animals for sale (A.H.S. Landor, 1967: 207; Informant:Birhanu Mamo).The importance of Gore as a center for invaluable export trade items in Illubabor dependedupon some minor small markets around such as Hurumu, Noppa, Mattu and Bure. By 1930 eachof these markets had a population of about 500 with the establishment of foreign merchants. In8Hurumu, two Greeks named Ch. P. Moraits and K. Teperidis were engaged in purchasing andexporting coffee. In Noppa, H. Pyriaku, C. Papaconstante, G. Helmis and N. Raptis were activein coffee trade as well as importing cloths (Birhanu Dibaba, 1973: 15). All of these foreignmerchants took part in coffee purchasing and serving as agents for other import and export itemsin Gore, Gambella and Khartoum. (Informant: Dawud Oumer).Mattu was also an important market center in Illubabor. It had telephone line connectionswith Addis Ababa and Gambella. There were nine foreign merchants who were active in soapand coffee trade (Birhanu Dibaba, 1973: 42). Bure was another commercial center betweenGambella and Gore. All the products of Illubabor region found their way through this town forexport. The imported items before reaching Gore were also stored here. The town is locatedbetween Gore and Gambella. Bure had three market days a week and was a center for trade itemslike ivory, civet, wax, honey, coffee, raw cotton, hides, sorghum, maize and teff and as well asimported beads of all kinds. The houses of foreign traders, agents of Rubber Company, AngeloCapato and Gerolimato brothers were grouped near the market place of Bure (Zewde Dubale,1976: 289).Import trade items to Illubabor were textiles, liquors, sacks, salt, soap, ironware, abujedid,machinery, glass bottles (birrile) and others. Exported trade items were ivory, rubber, coffee,wax and others (Informants: Dawud Oumer, Khalifa Aba Jorga). Ras Tassama monopolizedivory trade and controlled its movement on his own account for his own benefits. He deployedspies and prohibited any one from engaging in selling and buying of ivory. Nagadras Biru wasthe agent of Ras Tassama at Bure to buy and store ivory and look after other items of trade(Informant: Khalifa Aba Jorga).9It was reported that unless it was carried out secretly the ivory trade was closed to tradersand was a monopoly of Ras Tassama. Ivory was bought by merchants from the Annuak in secret,because it was illegal for the natives to sell it. Smuggling was therefore carried out. Ras Tassamapurchased ivory from balabats at cheaper prices. After paying tribute to Emperor Menilek, hesold it at whatever price he liked. Ras Tassama also had a Greek called Tameleon as his agent(Kelly, 1912: 8).Rubber grew wild in Illubabor. Gore was the center of the rubber trade. The whole exportwas to Europe through Gambella. In 1908, the Imperial Rubber Company was founded by aSyrian called Hasib Ydlibi. The concession was concerned with the rubber trees in the forests ofIllubabor and was especially active in the Baro river area, with the payment of 20% of theproduce to the royal treasury (May Ydlibi, 2006: 30-48).Coffee was another most important item of export through Gambella. The traffic wasthrough Gore-Bure routes. In the 1920s and 1930s, Gore became an important trade center wellsituated for the development of coffee trade. In 1912 Kelly on his way to Anderacha in Kaffafrom Gore observed extensive plantation of coffee, which was said to have been destroyed byRas Tassama's forces punitive expedition against the revolt of the Didu Oromo of Illubabor(Kelly, 1912: 10). Lambe further mentioned that million pounds of coffee came to Gore everyyear to be relayed down the mountains to Gambella from where it was carried to Khartoum(Thomas Lambe, 1943: 36). Beeswax was also a trade item that passed through Gambella. Butalmost all of it went in transit through the Sudan to Europe (Informant: Birhanu Mamo,).The import and export trade of Illubabor was dominated by foreign immigrants, Arabs,Greeks and Armenians supported by the newly established Naftagna-Gabbar system. After the10opening of the Gambella inland port, some Greeks came as adventures without any capital, butgradually started a business of one kind or another. The Greeks who came to collect rubber forHasib Ydlibi eventually embarked on coffee trade (Informants: Abdissa Hora, Birhanu Mamo).For their common benefits internal migrants allied themselves with the external migrants.For instance, the first modern hotel in Illubabor was known as Ras Nadow Hotel which was builtby the Greeks to serve mainly foreign nationals. Armenians were also engaged in theconstruction of residential houses (Informants: Khalifa Aba Jorga, Birhanu Mamo).The Greeks in particular were involved in the construction of bridges on big rivers such asBaroqalla, Gabba, Sor and Dabana rivers. In 1929, Ras Tafari gave a concession of road buildingto two Greeks namely, P. Danlis and A. Zervos who constructed 180 kilometers truck road tolink Mattu and Gore with Gambella (Bahru Zewde, 1976: 230).The Yemeni Arab immigrants settled in Illubabor crossing the border between Ethiopiaand the British-Sudan. The cause for the migration of Yemeni Arabs was essentially economic.As Trimingham noted " . . . they have been impelled by poverty at home to seek their fortuneabroad" (S. Triningham, 1962: 221). The two Yemeni Arab merchants who first opened theirshops in Gore in the 1920s and early 1930s were the two brothers, Sahle Ahmed and AzaAhmed, followed by Said Zaid and Harun Ali had already a shop in Bure. The first tea room inGore was owned by Yemeni Arab Haroun Galib, giving services to external migrants(Informants: Dawud Oumar, Khalifa Aba Jorga).11Informants tell us that the Yemeni Arabs shared and accepted the indigenous culture,especially with the Oromo population of Illubabor among whom they lived as well as a commonreligion, Islam and a similar economic activities, trade (Informant: Mohammed Qadirye).With the development of trade the Naftaanya rulers began to demand their peasants to paytax in cash. The change of tax payment from kind to cash was to satisfy the consumption needsof the shewan rulers as well as foreign migrants. For the peasant society of Illubabor, the onlymeans of getting cash was to serve as porters of coffee, wax, hides, skins and salt bars betweenGore and Gambella via Bure. The round trip journey took about eight to ten days (Informants:Banti Sutuma, Bekele Jifar).Porters were also usually robbed of their rightful earnings by the Greeks. A porter wouldcarry a load with a certain weight and when he reached Gambella from Gore, merchants wouldcomplain that it was some pounds shorter than what the porter has been given initially and hewas usually deprived of almost all his earnings (Yasin Mohammed, 1990: 49).It is important to note that, other than serving as porters of foreign merchants, none of thenatives took part in the trade. The trade of the area was in the hands of foreigners (externalmigrants) and internal migrants (Informants: Khalifa Aba Jorga, Dawud Oumer). Particularly,Ras Tassama and his officials had benefited from the trade of the area. As has already beenindicated, he had a monopoly over the supply of ivory in the area. He had also monopolized theslave trade. It is reported that, he had always commanded punitive expeditions against theGhimira and captured thousands of slaves for himself and his soldiers (G. Montandon, 1913: 36-40).12When Lej Iyasu was designated as a successor of Emperor Menelik II, Ras Tassama wassummoned to Addis Ababa in 1908 and was appointed Iyasu's regent. Ras Tassama wassucceeded by his son Dajazmach Kabada, who governed Illubabor from 1908 to 1910.Dejazmach Kabada did not make any changes in the administrative system set up by his father.He was in turn succeeded by Dejazmach Ganame (Zewde Dubale, 1976: 258).The process of land measurement and its distribution began during the reign of DajazmachGaname. The introduction of gasha system was one of the most dramatic consequences of theconsolidation of the internal immigrants representing basic changes of governance in Illubabor(Yasing Mohammed, 1990: 69). Before the measurement of land, the peasants had qabiye rightover extensive land which was owned by them (Informant: Birhanu Mamo). As we have alreadymentioned at the initial stage of the conquest, the peasants had ownership right of their landwhich was later appropriated by the ruling Naftaanyaa (Informant: Dawud Oumer).It is apparent that since land was the economic base in the Ethiopian Empire limiting thesize of land for sale or distribution was very essential for the central government. In the processof measurement the land was classified into various categories. The major ones were; YemengistMeret (government land), Samon Meret (church land) and Siso (land to the balabats), or localsupporters (Zewde Dubale, 1976: 306).Government land was registered exclusively as government property. It was from thiscategory that land grants were made to the soldiers as madaria. Madaria was the land granted togovernment employees in leiu of salary for a term of office or for life (Informants: MeleseSebhat, Zewde Dubale).13Samon Meret wasChurch land given to the church and was cultivated by the peasants forthe benefit of those who served the church. Siso was a portion of land that was allocated to thelocal collaborators (elites). The balabats were allowed to retain one-third of the measured land.The remaining was confiscated by the government (Tesema Taa, 1986: 55).In order to systemize and regularize taxation land was classified as lam (fertile) lam taf(semi fertile) and taf (unfertile). A gasha of land was considered lam if it was settled andcomfortably supported a large number of peasant families (Zewde Dubale, 1976: 366).Land measurement in Illubabor was part and parcel of the slaw but steady transformationof the Ethiopian society during the last part of the nineteenth and first decade of the twentiethcentury (G.H. Marcus, 1975: 193). It was also during this period that the whole continent ofAfrica was more or less integrated into the world economic system of capitalism (DonaldCrummy, 2000: 305).The Ethiopian Empire under Emperor Menilek II after Adwa came into closer contact withthe outside world. The Ethiopian government established diplomatic missions with Italy, France,Britain and Russia. This in turn brought about foreign ideas and influence on Ethiopia's internalpolicies. This in one way or another forced the government to acquire more revenue from thenewly conquered fertile areas of Illubabor rich in ivory, civet and coffee (G.H. Marcus, 1975:197). (Informants: Birhanu Mamo, Etana Agamso).It was during the governorship of Dejazmach Ganame that the cultivation of coffee wasenhanced in Illubabor. Coffee became one of the most important trade items exported throughGambella to the Sudan (Birhanu, 1973: 25). Traditionally, the Oromo cultivators were made to14pay taxes on the amount of coffee they have actually picked from the trees and were permitted toretain those fallen coffee beans on the ground (Informant: Dawud Oumer).In 1914 when Dejazmach Ganame started collecting taxes on the fallen coffee beans, thepeasants protested against the new tax burdens. The Oromo peasants then sent a ten memberdelegate to Addis Ababa to appeal the case to Ras Tafari. Dejazmach Ganame was summoned toAddis Ababa and was told to withdraw from taxing the peasants on the fallen coffee beans.Dejazmach Ganame had benefited from coffee trade much more than any of his predecessors(Zewde Dubale, 1976: 272). The following couplet illustrates this clearly:Oromo GlossBiiree Taasaaman Awaalee The money that Tassama had collectedKaabadan Naayacuu Waalalee Kabada failed to use itGaanameen Dhuufee Haamaree Ganame came and amassed itGaanamee Faarda Boraa Ganame the owner of a grey horseBiiree Baarbachuu Gaanda Keesaa Jooraa(Informant: Birhanu Mamo)Romes around in the village in search ofmoney.Dejazmach Ganame had also close relations with the Greek merchants. He gave them landto construct residential houses in Gore, Bure and Mattu. With the Italian occupation of Illubaborin 1936 all the foreign migrants as well as the leading internal migrants were forced to move outof Illubabor. In particular, the Greeks and the Armenians were expelled from the town. Theirbuildings and other properties were expropriated by the Italians (Girma Legesse, 2007: 6).15The Italian rule in Illubabor exhibited the disintegration of the Naftaanya-Gabbar system.The Italians proclaimed that all the land in the area belonged to the Italian government. But theyallowed gabbars to use the land. The Naftaanya (internal migrants) were deprived of the landthey had expropriated from the indigenous Oromo and the leading ones were forced to move outof Illubabor (Informant: Chanyallew Kumsa). At the initial stage the local Oromo societyaccepted the Italians and expressed their happiness in songs:Oromo GlossXaaliaani Waara Diimaa The Italians who are white in colorKan Xiilaan Sani Warqee Whose umbrella is goldenAamarii Nuraa Badee Kan Aka Qufaa Laapee(Informant: Dawud Oumer)The Amhara were forced to move from ourarea who were like “tuberculosis”Our informants tell us that, some of the local balabats assisted the Italians in theiradministration of the area. Moreover, we are told that Eba Seko and Marga Karo were noted fortheir alliance with the Italians. Marga Karo administered the people living west of the Gaba riverwhile Eba Seko was in charge of the people living east of the Gaba river (Informants: DawudOumer, Birhanu Mamo).16GlossaryDajazmach Commander of the gate, a politico military title below RasFitawurari Commander of the vanguard, a title below Dajazmach.gabbar Tribute paying peasantgasha A unit of measurement equivalent to 40 hectaresHamsalaqa Army rank, commander of fiftyMatoalaqa Army rank, commander of a hundredNaftaanyaa Emperor Meneliek's warriors of Northern Ethiopian origin, who later afterconquest settled in southern, southwestern and southeastern parts of presentday Ethiopianaggadras Chief government official in charge of the collection of customsqabiye Traditional land ownership of the Oromo Societyqanazmach Commander of the right wing, a politico-military title below fitawurariRas Literary means head. It was the highest traditional politico-military title undernegus (king)Shambal Army rank above matoalaqa17ReferencesI. Written MaterialsBahru Zewde. A History of Modern Ethiopia: 1855-1991: Addis Ababa, Addis AbabaUniversity Press, 2002.___________. "Relations between Ethiopia and the Sudan on the Western Ethiopian Frontier,1898-1935". Ph.D. Dissertation, University of London, 1976.Birhanu Dibaba. " A Historical Study of Trade in the North Eastern Illubabor and SouthWestern Wallaga Ca. 1900-1935". B.A. Thesis, History Department Addis AbabaUniversity, 1973.Crummy Donald. Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia: from the Thirteenthto the Twentieth Century. Addis Ababa, Addis Ababa University Press, 2000.Darkwah R.H. Kofi. Shewa, Menilek and the Ethiopian Empire, 1813-1889. London,Heinemann, 1975.Donham Donald. and Wendy James, eds. The Southern Marches of Imperial Ethiopia: Essayin History and Social Anthropology. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1986.Girma Legesse. "A History of Illubabor (1935-1991)". M.A. Thesis, History Department,Addis Ababa University, 2007.Lambe Thomas. Boot and Saddle in Africa. New York, New York University Press, 1943.Landor A.H.S. Across the Widest Africa: An Account of the Country and the People of EasternAfrica as Seen During a Twelve Months Journey from Djibouti to Cape Verde.London, 1967.Lewis Herbert S. A Galla Monarchy: Jimma Aba Jifar, Ethiopia, 1830-1932. Madison,University of Wisconsin Press, 1965.Marcus Harold G. The Life and Times of Menilek II: Ethiopia, 1844-1913. Oxford, ClarendonPress, 1975.Markakis John. Ethiopia: Anatomy of a Traditional Polity. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1974.Minale Adugna. " Foundation and Development of Gore Town, 1883-1970." B.A. Thesis,History Department, Addis Ababa University, 1989.Montandon George. AU Pays Ghimira R'ecit de mon Voyage 'etravers le massif 'ethiopien(1909-1911). Neuchatel, 1913.Rey C. F. Unconquered Abyssinia as it is Today. London 1923.18Sudan Intelligence Records. " Reports on the Expedition to Gore, Sayo, Anfilo and Gidami."Appendix 'A' No. 126 by H.H. Wilson, Inspector Upper Nile Province, January 1905.(Microfilm at the Institute of Ethiopian Studies, Addis Ababa University, Addis AbabaEthiopia)Sudan Intelligence Records. " Reports on the Trade on Ivory and Arms on the WesternAbyssinian Frontier." by H.H. Kelly 1912. Appendix 'B' No. 217. (Microfilm at theInstitute of Ethiopian Studies, Addis Ababa University, Addis Ababa Ethiopia)Sudan Intelligence Records. " Reports on Gambella Trading Post". by O'Sullivan, No. 136.October 1905. (Microfilm at the Institute of Ethiopian Studies, Addis AbabaUniversity, Addis Ababa Ethiopia)Tesema Taa. "The Oromo of Wallega: A Historical Survey to 1910". M.A. Thesis HistoryDepartment, Addis Ababa University 1980.___________. “ The basis for political contradictions in Wollega: The land ApportionmentAct of 1910 and its consequences” Northeast African Studies. Vol. 6, Nos. 1-2,1986.Taye Nomomisa. "The Motis of Illubabor" B.A. Thesis, Addis Ababa, Kotebe College ofTeacher Education, 1997.Trimingham J. Spencer. Islam in Ethiopia. London Frank Case, 1965.Wood Adrian Paul. "Migration and Resettlement in the Forest Fringes of Illubabor Province,Ethiopia." Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Liverpool, 1977.Yasin Mohammed. " A Historical Study of the Land Tenure System in Illubabor C. 1889-1974". M.A. Thesis, History Department, Addis Ababa University, 1990.Ydlibi May. With Ethiopian Rulers: A Biography of Hasib Ydlibi. Addis Ababa, Addis AbabaUniversity Press, 2006.Zewde Dubale. " Illubaborina Yetefetero Wubetuwa". 1976. (Unpublished Manuscript atInstitute of Ethiopian Studies, Addis Ababa University).19II. List of InformantsNo Name Title Place ofInterviewDate ofInterviewRemarks1. Abdisa Hora Ato Addis Ababa 20 July 2007 He is a History teacher and wellknown oral informant.2 Adam Fedihesa Addis Ababa 23 July 2007 A good oral source on the generalhistory of Illubabor3 Khalifa AbaJorgaHaji Addis Ababa 23 October2007A good source on the history ofMoslem community in Illubabor.He is also a well know trader inA.A.4 Banti Sutuma Ato Addis Ababa 27 July 2007 A well known oral historian5 Bekele Tefera Ato Addis Ababa 27 July 2007 He is a well known on the generalhistory of the region.6 Dawud Omer Ato Addis Ababa 28 July 2007 A good oral informant on the landtenure system.7 Birhanu Mamo Ato Addis Ababa August 2,2007He is know oral informant on thecondition of taxation of the area.8 Firisa Danno Ato Addis Ababa December 7,2007Currently lives at barrio, nearMattu town, a good source onsocial conditions of the peasants.9 Imiru Wayessa Ato Addis Ababa August 7, 2006 A prominent oral historian on thegeneral history of area.2010 Etana Agamso Ato Addis Ababa August 8, 2007 He has served as a chairman ofpeasant association, Wabekokebele. Dorani Worda., a goodsource on the social econdationsof peasant in the area.11 Zewde Dubale Ato Addis Ababa April 10,2007 Write of a manuscript "Illubaborinna Yetefetero Wubetuwa". He iswell informed on the generalhistory of the area.12 Siraj Agamso Ato Addis Ababa July 15, 2007 He is a well know oral informant.13 MohammedKhalifaAto Addis Ababa August 11, 2007 He is now living in mattu a goodsource on the general history ofthe region.14 Birhanu Mamo Ato Addis Ababa April 15,2007 He is currently known investor inAddis Ababa. He is well versed onthe general history of Illubabor.15 GezehangeBelachewAto Addis Ababa April 20,2007 He is a well know oral historian.16 Ligide Tacho Ato Bedele(Illubabor)April 21,2007 He is a good source on generalhistory of Illubabor.17 MohammedQadiryeAto Mettu(Illubabor)August 10,2007 A former trader of, a well knownoral historian.18 Ibrahim Ahmed Ato Addis Ababa December15, He well known oral historian on212007 the general History of the area.19 Melese Sebhate Ato Addis Ababa August 16, 2007 He was an administrator of YayoWareda during the Derg. He is awell known oral historian.20 Mulatu eshete Ato Addis Ababa April 16, 2007 He is a well known oral historian.21 Soboqa Tlesa Ato Gore(Illubabor)April 21,2006. He is a well known oral informant.

Notes

ee also

*Illubabor Zone