- Unite the Right
Unite the Right, also called the United Alternative, was a Canadian
politicalmovement from 1997 to 2003. Its goal was to merge the country's two right wing political parties: the Reform Party of Canada(later the Canadian Alliance[CA] ) and the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada. The aim was to create a single conservative party that could defeat the governing Liberal Party. The goal of uniting the right was accomplished in December 2003 with the formation of the Conservative Party of Canada.
There were many barriers to a merger. Polls had found that two-thirds of traditional PC voters would vote for the Liberals before endorsing a united Canadian Alliance/PC party. Some Westerners also had deep concerns that the new party would be dominated by
Central Canada, much as they thought the Progressive Conservatives had been. Leadership and MPs from both sides of the division also opposed merger out of concerns that both parties were distinct political entities and not part of a larger conservative movement.
Disenchantment and division
The division in the conservative movement of Canada stemmed from the 1993 election when the upstart Reform Party won 52 seats in the west, and the once-powerful PCs led by newly minted Prime Minister
Kim Campbellwere reduced to only two seats in Parliament. The Reform Party had come into being in 1987, due in part to opposition to Prime Minister Brian Mulroney's Progressive Conservative government that ruled Canada from 1984 to 1993. A significant number of Western Canadians had strongly disliked what they perceived as the Mulroney government's pro- Quebecapproach and rampant use of patronage. They also viewed the Meech Lake Accordand Charlottetown Accordas not in the West's best interests. Other Western conservatives felt that Mulroney's government was not sufficiently neo-liberalin its fiscal taxation and federal spending policies while some social conservativeswere critical of the government's failed attempts to regulate and reduce abortion in Canada.
An early attempt to unite the Reform and PC parties was made during the emotional tumult of the
1995 Quebec referendum, when Reform leader Preston Manningimplored the two sitting Tory MPs, Elsie Wayneand Jean Charest, to sit in Parliament with the Reform Party caucus and therefore replace the 53-member separatist Bloc Québécoiscaucus as Her Majesty's Loyal Opposition. Tory leader Charest, however, refused to merge and instead focused his efforts on rebuilding the shattered PC Party between 1993 and 1998.
David Frumand Ezra Levantorganized the "Winds of Change" conference in Calgary, an early attempt to encourage the Reform Party of Canadaand Progressive Conservative Party of Canadato merge so that a united rightwing party could defeat the Liberal Party of Canadain the subsequent election. Manning and Charest were both invited to attend but declined. [Canadian Press, "Reform, Tories should merge, right-wing group says", "Globe and Mail", May 15, 1996]
With two right-wing parties competing for power, it became apparent that unseating the governing Liberals would be next to impossible. In the 1997 election, both the PCs and the Reform Party respectively polled roughly 19% each in popular support. Reform emerged with 60 Western seats and
Official Oppositionstatus, while the demoralized PCs emerged from the brink of oblivion with 20 Eastern seats and regained party status (a minimum of 12 seats is required for official party status in the Canadian House of Commons, allowing the party to have seats on parliamentary committees, guaranteed speaking time in the Commons, additional office space in the east and west blocks of Parliament, and multi-million dollar federal funding for party research and staffing). More importantly, the Liberals emerged with only a five-seat majority in the election, and many pundits suggested that the combined Tory and Reform votes would have been enough to unseat the Liberals or at least reduce them to minority status.
The Liberals under
Jean Chrétienhad governed Canada since 1993, and were never really threatened by the divided right during the Chrétien era. Especially important in the Liberals' electoral success was the province of Ontario. From 1993 to 2004, the Liberals utterly dominated Canada's most populous province. Both Reform and the PC Party received many votes, but because of the first past the post(FPTP) system, this was not enough to win more than a handful of Ontario's approximately 103 seats. At the same time, the Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario, who some suggested were kindred spirits in policy and direction to Reform and Blue ToryPCs, had formed a provincial government under Premier Mike Harris.
After the second Liberal win in 1997, it became increasingly obvious that having two right-of-centre parties was splitting the vote and ensuring further Liberal majorities. Reform leader Manning was criticized by some members in his own party and by Western media for not "broadening the popular base of Reform." Manning had originally suggested that the Reform Party was meant to be a new party, a
third wayas a populist alternative that could replace the complacent Liberals and Tories as a new national movement, but this hope was clearly not materializing beyond the Manitoba-Ontario border. There was some hope for cooperation from the PCs when Charest stepped down as leader in 1998. Several credible political figures, including Manitoba Tory cabinet minister Brian Pallister, Major-General Lewis MacKenzie, former Reform MP Stephen Harper, and the retiring PC Party president Michael Fortierwere all encouraged to run as Unite the Right candidates by both sides of the conservative divide in the 1998 Progressive Conservative leadership convention. But the two candidates on the final ballot, Prairie anti- free-trade activist David Orchardand former Prime Minister Joe Clark, were both opposed to merger. Clark was re-elected leader of the PC Party and insisted that the only way to unite the right would be for Reformers to join the Tories under the "big tent" of the PC Party.
Reformers were convinced that a union would have to involve the creation of a new party, as opposed to one party being enveloped by the other. Therefore the Reform Party launched a number of efforts to convince like-minded Tories to join with them in creating a new united right-of-centre movement for Canada regardless of the agenda of the PC leadership. A secondary goal of the movement was to at least have the current parties agree not to run two right-of-centre candidates in the same ridings in the next federal election. A series of informal conferences and mini-conventions were staged under the auspices of Manning and the Reform Party on the benefits of a "United Alternative."
While the United Alternative movement was focused on creating a broader coalition for conservative voters, it had to compete with
social conservativeswho wanted the Reform Party to shift further to the right, as opposed to the moderate centre and Red Toryism. These members believed that the Reform Party could become a political opposite to the New Democratic Partyby only running candidates in the West. In times of minority, the NDP has influenced left-leaning tendencies in the Liberal Party's social policies. Many Reformers argued that the Reform Party could influence the Progressive Conservative Party's social policies in a similar manner by forcing the PCs to adopt more right-wing solutions in order to obtain support from Western Reform MPs in future minority PC governments.
In 1998, under the auspices of 1993 Reform Party candidate and ardent social conservative
Craig Chandler, a controversial "Unite the Right" conference was held in Toronto, Ontario. The conference attracted a great deal of negative media attention for not just including MPs and delegates from the Reform and Progressive Conservative parties, but also leadership officials from the right-wing social conservative Christian Heritage Party, Social Credit Party and the Confederation of Regions Party, and delegates from the far-right Family Coalition Party of Ontarioand the Freedom Party of Ontario. After this conference, polls were conducted that suggested that many Progressive Conservative supporters would rather vote Liberal than vote for a new merged Reform/PC political entity.
The efforts to create a United Alternative did not sit well with the leadership of the Progressive Conservatives. The PC Party eventually passed an amendment to the party's constitution stating that the party had to run a candidate in every federal riding in the next election. Having been rebuffed by Tory leader
Joe Clark, Manning urged the Reform Party membership to "Think Big" and eventually a real "United Right" effort was launched. In early 2000, the Reform Party held two national conventions in Ottawa that culminated in its demise and the creation of the "Canadian Reform Conservative Alliance", more commonly known as the Canadian Alliance.
Not all Reformers were in favour of the creation of a new right-wing political party. Some Reformers were actually populists who did not necessarily aspire to right-wing solutions for government in Canada. Led by Reform MPs
Darrel Stinsonand Myron Thompson, a protest movement was launched known as "Grassroots United Against Reform's Demise" or GUARD. The movement sent letters and e-mails to party members and officials urging them to not vote in favour of a new party.
Ultimately, Manning's bid to create a new party was successful, although the personal consequences for his initiative would be high. The Canadian Alliance leadership race was expected to be a "
pro forma" contest in which Manning's leadership would be easily reconfirmed. However, the race quickly became a contest. Many CA members felt that a new party needed a new leader. Eventually Manning's bid for the CA leadership was defeated by Alberta Member of the Legislative Assembly(MLA) and Provincial Treasurer Stockwell Day. While the party was seen by some as a happy union of former Reformers and Blue ToryPCs who were disaffected with Joe Clark's Red Toryleadership, the Canadian Alliance was still seen by many as merely the Reform Party in new clothes. Furthermore, many Reformers became disaffected with the CA due to Manning's ouster as the movement's leader.
After a below-expectations result in the 2000 election and the failure of the CA to reduce Joe Clark's PCs to independent status, a year of factional in-fighting began in 2001 over Stockwell Day's troubled leadership of the Canadian Alliance. Several controversies surrounding Day's personality, statements, and actions led to a number of disaffected CA officials and MPs, including party stalwarts
Deborah Greyand Chuck Strahl, to formally break with the Alliance caucus. Thirteen MPs left the Canadian Alliance during this period of instability. The thirteen MPs sat as the Democratic Representative Caucus(DRC) and eventually decided to affiliate themselves with the Tories, sitting as one group in the House of Commons and holding joint meetings. The DRC also launched its own website and began setting up "Democratic Reform Party" constituency associations in anticipation of a snap election.
After the near collapse of the Canadian Alliance and the rise in defections to the DRC, it appeared that the right in Canada would remain fractious and fragmented into the foreseeable future. From September 2001 to May 2002, three separate elected right-wing political entities existed in the House of Commons (the PCs, the CA and the DRC). Many journalists and media analysts were convinced that the Right would totally melt down in a future election with so many conflicting factions competing for the same voter base. When asked by reporters in January 2002 about the troubles on the right, Liberal Heritage Minister
Sheila Coppsaptly conveyed the glee of the governing Liberals at the fractiousness in the conservative movement when she quipped, "burn, baby, burn!" Many political pundits were convinced that with no credible national alternative, the Liberals would easily cruise to a fourth straight majority victory in a future 2004 election. The almost constant turmoil and change in leadership of the Official Oppositionbetween 2000 and 2002 led to a fair perception that the Chrétien government was getting a free ride from a hived opposition.
In April 2002, Stockwell Day was replaced as leader of the Canadian Alliance by
Stephen Harper, one of the original "Class of '88" founders of the Reform Party. Unlike Day, Harper proved to be an able leader and managed to repair most of the damage that his predecessor's leadership had caused. With Harper at the helm, all but two DRC MPs who had left the party's caucus returned to the Canadian Alliance. With Day no longer running the Canadian Alliance, a merger was also much more agreeable to many stalwart Tory members. PC Party Leader Joe Clark, who had spurned off many attempts to unite the right during his leadership announced his impending retirement as PC Party Leader in August 2002 after the PC-DRC Coalition Caucus dissolved. A leadership election was scheduled for May 2003.
May 31, 2003, Peter MacKayof Nova Scotiawon the PC leadership election. Unlike Clark, MacKay supported open discussions on the concepts of a united party, but promised that, on his watch, no full-fledged union would take place. Shortly after becoming leader, MacKay signalled his openness to broad "talks" with the Canadian Alliance with regard to creating more unity on the right. Over the summer and autumn of 2003, a series of protracted negotiations led by a group of Tory and Alliance emissaries, including Don Mazankowskiand Bill Davisfor the PCs and Gerry St. Germainand Ray Speakerfor the CA, took place. It was later revealed that auto-parts magnate Belinda Stronachacted as chair and moderator for the discussions. The negotiations were largely motivated by the juggernaut takeover of the Liberal Party by the extremely popular and successful former Liberal finance minister Paul Martin, and the marked reduction in membership and political donations for both parties due to voter frustration with the status quo Liberal hegemony. Polls showed both the beleaguered PC and Alliance parties losing a large number of seats in the next election to a Martin-led Liberal team across Canada if an amenable solution was not found.
The New Conservatives
The goal of a united right was realized in the Autumn of 2003. The summer negotiations eventually produced the
Conservative Party Agreement-in-Principlebetween the PCs and the CA on the establishment of a new Conservative Party of Canada. On October 16, 2003, Alliance leader Stephen Harper and Progressive Conservative leader Peter MacKay announced the formation of the new united conservative party. Both leaders insisted that the union was not about egos, and was really about making an enormous contribution to protecting tangible democratic freedoms and political choice in Canada. Harper was widely quoted by many media officials during the press conference when he stated, "Our swords will henceforth be pointed at the Liberals, not at each other." [http://www.cbc.ca/stories/2003/10/16/unite031016]
The main sticking point during the autumn negotiations had been the method of choosing the merged party's leader. The Tories pushed for an equal number of votes for each riding that would benefit their lower but much more nationally representative membership (65,000); the Alliance hoped for a one member one vote system that would benefit their much larger, but centralized Western membership (120,000). Harper conceded the issue. In early December, 95.9% of the CA membership approved the union, and 90.4% of the PC Party delegates also endorsed the initiative in a national convention. The party was officially formed on
December 7, 2003. Harper was elected leader of the new Conservative Party of Canada on March 20, 2004, by the new party's 350,000 members spread out across 301 equally weighted federal ridings. Peter MacKay was appointed deputy leader.
Months later, Liberal Prime Minister Paul Martin called for a general election. However in the interim between the formation of the new party and the selection of its new leader, investigations into the Canadian
Sponsorship scandaland the investigation by the Gomery Commissionhad knocked some wind out of the Liberal Party's political sails, resulting in the election being backed up to late June as opposed to early April. This allowed the Conservatives to be more prepared for the race, unlike the 2000 snap election. For the first time since the 1984 election, the Liberal Party would have to deal with a united conservative opposition.
Polls indicated an increase in support for the new Conservative Party and by all pollster indications by mid-campaign, it seemed as if Harper was on the verge of becoming Prime Minister of a minority government. But even at their highest level of support the Tories were still some percentage points off the combined total of the two separate right-wing parties that had run in the last election. A number of prominent ex-Tories also chose to support the Liberals. These included MPs
Scott Brison, Keith Martin, and John Herron, who crossed the floor to the Liberals. Lukewarm endorsements of Liberal Party candidates at the onset of the campaign were extended by former Tory MPs Joe Clark, André Bachand, Rick Borotsik, and former federal PC Party president Bruck Easton.
Harper's new Conservatives emerged from the election with a larger parliamentary caucus of 99 MPs.
Chuck Cadman, a former CA MP who failed to win the Conservative Party nomination in his riding, was re-elected as an independent. The Liberals were reduced to a thin minority government, relegating the governing party to obtaining support from at least two of the three opposition parties to pass legislation.
Canadian federal election, 2006, after a decade of work, the Conservatives seemed to attain their goal of being an electable "United Alternative" when they were given a minority government by the electorate. It has been suggested that this victory marks the end of the final chapter in the "unite the right" campaign.
Provincial 'Unite the Right'
The term 'Unite the Right' has been used to describe the union of centre-right parties in provinces with a strong NDP wing. United in one right-leaning party, individuals who would vote either Liberal or Conservative federally, have joined at different occasions to stop the left-leaning NDP. Examples of this are the
Liberal Party of British Columbiaand the Saskatchewan Party.
British Columbia Social Credit Partywas British Columbia's right-leaning coalition party between 1952 and 1991. In 2004, the British Columbia Unity Partyand British Columbia Conservative Partyentered into unsuccessful merger negotiations.
In Alberta, the Alberta Party Political Association, known in its short form as the
Alberta Party, began as an alliance of the Social Credit Party of Alberta, Western Canada Concept, and the Heritage Party of Albertain 1986. In 2006 the Alberta Allianceentered into merger negotiations with the Alberta Partyand the Social Credit Party of Alberta. The Social Credit party has since terminated merger discussions.
In the 1970's, the
Social Credit Party of Saskatchewanmerged into the Progressive Conservative Party of Saskatchewan.
From 1936 to 1970 the
Union Nationale (Quebec)was a coalition party of right wing Liberals and Conservatives.
Politics of Canada
Progressive Conservative Party of Canada
Progressive Canadian Party
Conservative Party of Canada
* [http://www.cbc.ca/news/background/conservativeparty/ CBC News Indepth: Conservative Party]
Wikimedia Foundation. 2010.
Look at other dictionaries:
The Church — The Church † Catholic Encyclopedia ► The Church The term church (Anglo Saxon, cirice, circe; Modern German, Kirche; Sw., Kyrka) is the name employed in the Teutonic languages to render the Greek ekklesia (ecclesia), the term by which… … Catholic encyclopedia
Unite Against Fascism — is an anti fascist organisation in the United Kingdom that campaigns against far right wing and fascist parties and groups in Britain, primarily the British National Party (BNP), which it identifies as the principal threat. Its aim is to campaign … Wikipedia
The Benedictine Order — The Benedictine Order † Catholic Encyclopedia ► The Benedictine Order The Benedictine Order comprises monks living under the Rule of St. Benedict, and commonly known as black monks . The order will be considered in this article under… … Catholic encyclopedia
The Thirty Years War — The Thirty Years War † Catholic Encyclopedia ► The Thirty Years War The Thirty Years War (1618 48), though pre eminently a German war, was also of great importance for the history of the whole of Europe, not only because nearly all… … Catholic encyclopedia
The Blue Eagle At Work — The Blue Eagle At Work: Reclaiming Democratic Rights in the American Workplace is a legal treatise written by Charles J. Morris which analyzes collective bargaining under the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA), the federal statute governing most … Wikipedia
Right of Exclusion — • The alleged competence of the more important Catholic countries, Austria, France, and Spain, to indicate to their respective cardinal protector, or cardinal procurator, those members of the Sacred College who were personæ minus gratæ, so that,… … Catholic encyclopedia
The Social Contract — The Social Contract † Catholic Encyclopedia ► The Social Contract Du Contrat Social, ou Principes du droit politique, is the title of a work written by J.J. Rousseau and published in 1762. From the time of his stay at Venice, about… … Catholic encyclopedia
The Vatican — The Vatican † Catholic Encyclopedia ► The Vatican This subject will be treated under the following heads: I. Introduction; II. Architectural History of the Vatican Palace; III. Description of the Palace; IV. Description of the… … Catholic encyclopedia
The Legend of the Legendary Heroes — Cover of The Legend of the Legendary Heroes first volume as published by Fujimi Shobo 伝説の勇者の伝説 … Wikipedia
The Market for Liberty — Cover of the hardback edition … Wikipedia