Augusto César Sandino

Augusto César Sandino
Augusto Calderón Sandino

Augusto Nicolás Calderón Sandino (May 18, 1895 – February 21, 1934) was a Nicaraguan revolutionary and leader of a rebellion against the U.S. military occupation of Nicaragua between 1927 and 1933. He was labeled a bandit by the United States government, and his exploits made him a hero throughout much of Latin America, where he became a symbol of resistance to United States domination. Drawing units of the United States Marine Corps into an undeclared guerrilla war, his guerrilla organization suffered many defeats, but he successfully evaded capture. United States troops withdrew from the country after overseeing the inauguration of President Juan Bautista Sacasa. Sandino was assassinated in 1934 by General Anastasio Somoza García, who went on to seize power in a coup d'état two years later, establishing a family dynasty that would rule Nicaragua for over forty years. Sandino's legacy was claimed by the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), which overthrew the Somoza government in 1979.

Sandino is currently revered in Nicaragua, and was unanimously named a "national hero" in 2010 by the nation's congress.[1] Sandino's bloodline, along with his hat, boots and writings from when he was evading U.S. Marines, continue to help shape the national identity.[1]

Contents

Early life

Augusto Calderón Sandino was born May 18, 1895 in Niquinohomo. Born out of wedlock, he was the son of wealthy landowner Gregorio Sandino and Margarita Calderón, a servant with the Sandino family. Sandino lived with his mother until the age of nine, when he moved into the home of his father.[2]

In July 1912 when he was 17, Sandino witnessed the first intervention of United States troops in Nicaragua, to counter an uprising against President Adolfo Díaz, regarded by many as a United States puppet. Liberal general Benjamín Zeledón died that year on October 4 when United States Marines recaptured Fort Coyotepe and the city of Masaya from rebels during the Battle of Coyotepe Hill. Zeledón's body was carried on an oxcart by the United States Marine Corps to be buried in Catarina. Sandino retained a vivid recollection of Zeledón's face.

In 1921, after attempting to murder Dagoberto Rivas, the son of a prominent conservative townsman who had made disparaging comments about Sandino's mother, Sandino fled to Honduras, then Guatemala, and eventually Mexico, where he found work at a Standard Oil refinery near the port of Tampico. At that time, the military phase of the Mexican Revolution was drawing to an end. A new "institutional revolutionary" regime was forming, driven by a wide array of popular movements to carry out the provisions of the 1917 Constitution. Sandino was involved with Seventh-day Adventists, spiritist gurus, and anti-imperialist, anarchist, and communist revolutionaries, embracing the anti-clericalism of Mexico's revolution and the ideology of indigenismo, glorifying the indigenous heritage of Latin America. Sandino returned to Nicaragua in 1926 after the statute of limitations applied to his charges, finding work as a clerk at the San Albino gold mine, located in the Segovias mountains near the border with Honduras.

Emergence as guerrilla leader

Sandino (center) en route to Mexico

Shortly after Sandino returned to Nicaragua, the Constitutionalist War began when Liberal soldiers in the Caribbean port of Puerto Cabezas revolted against Conservative President Adolfo Díaz, recently installed as a result of United States pressure following a coup. The leader of this revolt, General José María Moncada, declared that he supported the claim of exiled Liberal vice-president Juan Bautista Sacasa, who arrived in Puerto Cabezas in December, declaring himself president of a 'constitutional' government, which was recognized by Mexico. Assembling a makeshift army composed largely of gold miners, Sandino led a failed attack on the Conservative garrison nearest to the San Albino mine. Afterwards, he travelled to Puerto Cabezas to meet with Moncada. However, Moncada strongly distrusted Sandino because he set up hit-and-run operations against conservative forces independently of Moncada's liberal army.[3] The unknown Sandino's requests for weapons and a military commission were denied; however, after the capture of some rifles from fleeing Conservative soldiers, the other Liberal commanders agreed to grant him a commission.

By 1927, he was back in the Segovias, inciting many local peasants to join his army, and staging increasingly successful attacks on government troops. In April, Sandino's forces played a vital role in assisting the principal Liberal Army column, which was advancing on Managua. Having received arms and funding from Mexico, the Liberal army of General Moncada seemed on the verge of seizing the capital. However, the United States, using the threat of military intervention, forced the Liberal generals to agree to a cease-fire. On May 4, representatives from the two warring factions signed the Espino Negro accord, negotiated by Henry Stimson, appointed by U.S. President Calvin Coolidge as a special envoy to Nicaragua. Under the terms of the accord, both sides agreed to disarm, Díaz would be allowed to finish his term, and a new national army would be established, the Guardia Nacional (National Guard), with United States soldiers remaining in the country to supervise the upcoming November 1928 Presidential election. Later, a battalion of United States Marines under the command of General Logan Feland arrived to enforce the agreement.

After the signing of the Espino Negro accord, Sandino refused to order his followers to surrender their weapons, and returned to the Segovias. During this period Sandino married a young telegraphist, Blanca Arauz, of the village of San Rafael del Norte. Blanca Arauz was related to Ambrosia Ubeda, also of (San Rafael del Norte). At the beginning of July, Sandino issued a manifesto condemning the betrayal of the Liberal revolution by the "vendepatria" (country-seller) Moncada and declared war on the United States, whom he described as the 'Colossus of the North' and 'the enemy of our race.'[4] At the height of his guerrilla campaign, Sandino claimed to have some 3,000 soldiers in his army, although, in later years, official figures estimated the number at only 300.[3] Later that month in the wee hours of the 27th, Sandino's followers attacked a patrol of U.S. Marines and Nicaraguan Guardia Nacional that had been sent to apprehend him in the village of Ocotal. Armed primarily with machetes and 19th-century rifles, they attempted to besiege the Marines, but were easily repulsed with the help of one of the first dive bombing attacks in history, conducted by five Marine de Havilland biplanes. The Marine commander estimated than 300 of Sandino's men died (the actual number was about 60), while the Marines suffered only two casualties, one dead and one wounded, and the Guardia three dead and four taken prisoner.[5] After these heavy losses, Sandino learned from his mistake and concentrated on ambushes and sudden raids rather than frontal attacks.

As his successes grew, Sandino transformed his own name to Augusto César Sandino and renamed his band of followers "The Army in Defense of the National Sovereignty of Nicaragua". Efforts by the Marines to kill or capture Sandino over the summer failed due to the Sandinistas' superior knowledge of the local terrain, superior military intelligence capabilities, and skill at camouflaging their movements. In November 1927, U.S. aircraft succeeded in locating El Chipote, Sandino's remote mountain headquarters east of San Albino Mine. However, by the time the Marines succeeded in reaching it, they found it abandoned and guarded by straw dummies, Sandino and his followers having long since escaped.[6] In January 1928, US Marines successfully located Sandino's war base in Quilali and were ambushed.[7] Despite repelling the assault and successfully capturing Quilali,[8] the Marines were unsuccessful in preventing Sandino and his most of his men from escaping.[7]

After escaping to the mountains of Neuva Segovia,[9] Sandino smuggled a message to Mexico City stating:[9]

I will not abandon my resistance until the . . . pirate invaders . . . assassins of weak peoples . . " are expelled from my country. ... I will make them realize that their crimes will cost them dear. . . . There will be bloody combat. . . .

"Nicaragua shall not be the patrimony of Imperialists. I will fight for my cause as long as my heart beats. ... If through destiny I should lose, there are in my arsenal five tons of dynamite which I will explode with my own hand. The noise of the cataclysm will be heard 250 miles. All who hear will be witness that Sandino is dead. Let it not be permitted that the hands of traitors or invaders shall profane his remains."

Evading detection, Sandino surprised the Marines by moving southward and raiding the coffee plantations of Matagalpa and Jinotega. In February 1928, Carlton Beals interviewed Sandino in the town of San Rafael del Norte. The interview, published in The Nation, was the only one Sandino ever granted to a North American journalist. Afterwards, Sandino and his forces moved eastward toward the Mosquito Coast. In April, the Sandinistas destroyed the equipment of the Bonanza and La Luz gold mines, the two largest mines in the country and both owned by two United States investors named James,G. Fred and D. Watson Fletcher.[10] the three brothers of US Ambassador to Italy Henry Fletcher;[10] With aerial support, the Marines attempted several riverine patrols from the east coast of Nicaragua up the Río Coco during the height of the rainy season, frequently having to use native dugout canoes. While these patrols succeeded in limiting the movements of Sandino's forces and in securing tenuous control over the principal river of northern Nicaragua, they failed to locate Sandino or to effect a decisive victory.

Sandino's seal shows a U.S. Marine about to be beheaded.

However, the Nicaraguan public backed the US Marines[11] By April 1928, the US Marines thought Sandino was finished and was only trying to evade capture.[12] One month later, this claim was debunked after Sandino's army ambushed another marine post and killed five marines.[12] After destroying the two Fletcher Brothers mines, Sandino wrote that he was now targeting not just US Marines, but also Americans within Nicaragua who "uphold the attitude of Coolidge."[13] In December 1928, Marine located Sandino's mother and managed to convince her to write a letter asking him to surrender.[14] This attempt failed and Sandino stated he would continue to fight until US Marines left Nicaragua.[15]

Despite massive efforts, United States forces never captured Sandino, although he felt it necessary at one point to stage a fake funeral for himself. The United States Congress also did not share the same ambitions of capturing Sandino as President Coolidge did and backed away from funding operations for doing so.[16] US Senator Burton Wheeler even argued that if United States soldiers intended to "stamp out banditry, let's send them to Chicago to stamp it out there. ... I wouldn't sacrifice...one American boy for all the damn Nicaraguans."[17]

Efforts at winning recognition

A flag captured by United States Marines from Sandino's forces

The struggle

Having addressed his declaration of war against the United States to the whole of the 'Indo-Hispanic race', Sandino saw his struggle in racial terms, as the defense not only of Nicaragua but of the whole of Latin America. At the beginning of his rebellion, Sandino appointed Honduran poet, journalist and diplomat Froylán Turcios as his official foreign representative. Residing in Tegucigalpa, Turcios was the recipient and disseminator of Sandino's communiques, manifestos and reports, as well as his connection to sympathizers who provided him with arms and volunteers. Working with a number of prominent Nicaraguan exiles, Turcios sought to build support for Sandino's struggle in other Central American nations and in Mexico, which had backed the Liberals during the Constitutionalist War. In the latter country, Sandino's principal representative was a Nicaraguan exile, Pedro Zepeda, who had previously served as the liaison between Sacasa and the Mexican government.

Sandino's principal demands were the resignation of President Díaz, withdrawal of U.S. troops, new elections supervised by Latin American countries, and the abrogation of the Bryan-Chamorro Treaty (which gave the United States the exclusive right to build a canal across Nicaragua). The elections held under the supervision of the U.S. military in October 1928, which led to the election of José María Moncada, proved a major setback for Sandino's claim to be acting in defense of the Liberal revolution. Prior to the election, he attempted with three other marginal factions to organize a junta to be headed by Zepeda. In the pact aimed at establishing the junta, Sandino had himself made Generalissimo and the sole military authority of the republic. Following the election, Sandino ruled out negotiations with his former rival, declaring the elections unconstitutional. In an attempt to outmaneuver Moncada, Sandino expanded his demands to include the restoration of the United Provinces of Central America. This would remain a central component of his political platform. In a letter he wrote in March 1929 to Argentine President Hipólito Yrigoyen, "Plan for Realizing Bolívar's Dream", Sandino outlined an even more ambitious political project. He proposed a conference in Buenos Aires to be attended by all Latin American nations that would work toward their political unification into an entity he called the 'Indo-Latin American Continental and Antillean Federation'. This entity would resist further domination by the United States and guarantee that the proposed Nicaraguan Canal would remain under Latin American control.

Solidarity with foreign nations

As Sandino's success grew, he began to receive symbolic gestures of support from the Soviet Union and the Comintern. The Pan-American Anti-Imperialist League, which was supervised by the South American Bureau of the Comintern, issued a number of statements applauding support of Sandino. The U.S. branch of the Anti-Imperialist League played a central role in opposing the war in the United States itself. Sandino's half-brother Socratés, who lived in New York, was featured as a speaker at a number of rallies against United States involvement in Nicaragua organized by the League and the U.S. Communist Party. The Sixth World Congress of the Comintern, meeting in Moscow in the summer of 1928, issued a statement 'expressing solidarity with the workers and peasants of Nicaragua and the heroic army of national emancipation of General Sandino.' In China, a division of the Kuomingtang army that seized Beijing in 1928 was named the Sandino brigade.[18]

The following June, Sandino appointed a representative to the Second Congress of the World Anti-Imperialist League in Frankfurt, which was attended by Jawaharlal Nehru and Madame Sun Yat-sen.

Time in Mexico

Sandino's relations with Turcios soured, as Turcios disliked the Junta proposal and Sandino criticized him for siding with Honduras in a border dispute with Guatemala, which Sandino saw as a distraction from the goal of Central American unification. Conflict between the two men led Turcios to resign in January 1929, largely cutting off the flow of arms to Sandino's forces and leaving them increasingly isolated from potential supporters outside Nicaragua. Sandino's army would suffer a major blow in February 1929 when Manuel Maria Jiron, the general who masterminded his raids, was captured by US Marines.[19] More defeats for Sandino's army at the hands of the US Marines soon followed.[20] In an effort to secure military and financial support, he wrote a number of letters appealing to various Latin American leaders. Sandino looked to revolutionary Mexico, but the country's revolution had taken an anti-communist turn under de facto ruler Plutarco Elías Calles. After failing to negotiate his surrender in exchange for a withdrawal of U.S. troops, Mexican President Emilio Portes offered Sandino asylum, and he left Nicaragua in June 1929.

In the climate of the Maximato, Sandino's radicalism received a hostile reception. In order to appease the United States, the Mexican government confined Sandino to the city of Mérida. Sandino was kept in a hotel and was still able to maintain contact with his supporters.[21] He managed to travel to Mexico City and meet with Portes Gil, but his request for support was quickly rebuffed. The Mexican Communist Party offered to pay for Sandino to travel to Europe, but the offer was withdrawn after he refused to issue a statement condemning the Mexican government. In April 1930, as Sandino's relations with the Communists grew increasingly cool, they leaked information suggesting that Sandino was critical of Portes Gil's government, causing him to flee the country and return to Nicaragua.

EMECU

During his period in Mexico, he had become a member of an organization the Magnetic-Spiritualist School of the Universal Commune (EMECU). Founded in Buenos Aires in 1911 by a Basque electrician named Joaquín Trincado, the EMECU blended the political ideals of anarchism with a cosmology which was an idiosyncratic synthesis of Zoroastrianism, Kabbalah and Spiritism. Rejecting both capitalism and Bolshevism, Trincado's own brand of communism centered a 'spiritism of Light and Truth' that would supersede all existing religions in the final stage of human history. This stage, which would arise from the political conflicts of the 20th century, would witness the establishment of the 'universal commune', in which private property and the state would be abolished, the hatred caused by false religions would disappear and all of humanity would be part of one race (Hispanic) and speak one language (Spanish). Sandino's only communication with Trincado was through a series of letters, but after his return, his manifestos and his personal affiliations were increasingly shaped by his attempt to apply the ideals of the EMECU. He named Tricado one of his official representatives and replaced the old seal of a campesino beheading a United States Marine with the symbol of EMECU. His distrust of his former Communist associates led him to break off relations with one of his most trusted lieutenants, a Salvadoran named Farabundo Martí, accusing Martí of spying on him for the Communists. In February 1931, Sandino issued his 'Manifesto of Light and Truth,' which reflected a new millenarian tone in his beliefs. The manifesto proclaimed the coming of the Last Judgement, which will witness "the destruction of injustice on the earth and the reign of the Spirit of Light and Truth, that is, Love." Nicaragua had been chosen to play a central role in this struggle, and his army was an instrument of divine justice. "The honor has fallen to us, brothers, that in Nicaragua we have been chosen by Divine Justice to begin the prosecution of injustice on earth."[22]

Return to Nicaragua, U.S. withdrawal, Sandino's death

Even though Sandino had been unable to secure any outside aid for his forces, the Great Depression made overseas military expeditions too costly for the United States. In January 1931, Henry Stimson, then Secretary of State, announced that all United States soldiers in Nicaragua would be withdrawn following the 1932 election. Responsibility for dealing with Sandino's forces was handed over to the newly-created Nicaraguan National Guard (Guardia Nacional), which would continue to be commanded by United States officers. That May, an earthquake destroyed Managua, killing over 2,000 people.[23] This earthquake weakened the central government[24] and gave Sandino the leverage he needed to revive his fight with the Americans.[25][26] Over the summer of 1931, Sandinista bands were active in every department north of Managua, conducting raids into the southern and western parts of the country, the departments of Estelí, León and Chontales. Although they managed to briefly occupy several towns along the nation's principal railroad, linking Managua to the Pacific coastal port of Corinto, Sandino's army did not try to capture any of the nation's urban centers, although it did succeed in briefly occupying some smaller cities like Chinandega.

In accordance with the Good Neighbor Policy, the last United States Marines left Nicaragua in January 1933, following the inauguration of Juan Bautista Sacasa as the country's president. 130 Marines were killed in their tour of duty to Nicaragua. After the US marines departed from Nicaragua, Sandino stated "I salute the American people" and vowed he would never attack a working-class American who visited Nicaragua.[27] Sandino met with Sacasa in Managua the following February, during which he pledged his loyalty to the President and agreed to order his forces to surrender their weapons within three months.[27] In exchange, Sacasa agreed to give the soldiers in Sandino's army who surrendered their arms squatters rights in the Coco River Valley,[27] require that the Coco River Valley would be guarded by 100 Sandinista fighters under the government's orders[27] and give preference in employment to Sandinistas on public works in northern Nicaragua.[27]

However, Sandino still remained dedicated to fighting the Nicaraguan National Guard.[3] Sandino saw the National Guard as unconstitutional, because of its ties to the United States military,[3] and insisted on the guard's dissolution.[3] Sandino's attitude towards the National Guard's leader Somoza and his officers made him unpopular with the National Guard.[3] Without consulting Sacasa,[3] Somoza gave orders for Sandino's assassination,[3] hoping it would also help win him loyalty among the guard's senior officers.[3]

Death

On February 21, 1934, Sandino was ambushed by the National Guard and betrayed along with his father,[28] brother Socrates[28] two of his favorite generals, Estranda and Umanzor,[28] and the poet Sofonías Salvatierra (who was Sacasa's Minister of Agriculture)[28] under Somoza's order, when he returned from new rounds of the talks with Sacasa. While these six men were leaving Sacasa's Presidential Palace, they were stopped at the main gate by local guardsmen and ordered to leave their car.[28] After brushing aside Sandino's father and Salvatierra,[28] the guardsmen then took Sandino, his brother Socrates and his two generals to a crossroads section in La Reynaga and executed them.[28] His remains were buried in the Larreynaga neighborhood of Managua by a group of National Guard troops under the command of one of General Somoza Garcia's confidantes, Major Rigoberto Duarte, father of Mr. Roberto Duarte Solis, Minister of Social Communication during President Arnoldo Aleman's tenure. The following day, soldiers from the National Guard descended on Sandino's army and wiped it out in less than a month.[3] Two years later, Somoza García forced Sacasa to resign and declared himself President, establishing a dynasty which would dominate Nicaragua for the next four decades.

The full details of Sandino's murder and what became of his remains are among Nicaragua's most enduring mysteries.[1] However, after he was executed, there were witnesses who claimed they peered from their nearby cabins and saw the guards prod Sandino and the other three captives with him to the ground and fire a number of gunshots into their bodies before burying them.[28] After his body was discovered, Sandino's followers reburied him.[28] His body, however, was never found afterwards. As Sandinista lore has it, General Somoza's assassins vengefully decapitated and dismembered Sandino before supposedly delivering his head to the U.S. government as a token of loyalty.[1]

Legacy

Sandino became a hero to many leftists in Nicaragua and much of Latin America as a Robin Hood figure who opposed domination from wealthy elites and foreigners, such as the United States. His dislike of the American presence was tempered by the love he said he felt toward Americans in the same situation as himself. His picture and silhouette complete with the oversized cowboy hat became recognized symbols of the Sandinista National Liberation Front, originally founded in 1961 by Carlos Fonseca and Tomás Borge, among others, and later led by Daniel Ortega. He was also idolized by leftists everywhere such as Che Guevara, Fidel Castro and Hugo Chávez. His brand of warfare was used by Castro, FARC in Colombia, and the Sandinistas as well as by the FMLN in El Salvador.

In 1979, Somoza's son, Anastasio Somoza Debayle, was overthrown by the Sandinistas, political descendants of Sandino. Managua International Airport was named "Augusto C. Sandino International Airport" after him during the 1980s. Former president Arnoldo Alemán renamed it Managua International Airport in 2001. The airport was again renamed in honor of Sandino in 2007 by President Daniel Ortega. The Nicaraguan portrait artist Róger Pérez de la Rocha has created many portraits of Sandino — whose image was banned by the Somoza dictatorship — and of his associates, adding to the country's iconography.[29]

Quotes

  • Addressed to the American forces in Nicaragua:

Come on you pack of drug fiends, come on and murder us on our own land. I am waiting for you on my feet at the head of my patriotic soldiers, and I don't care how many of you there are. You should know that when this happens, the destruction of your mighty power will make the Capitol shake in Washington, and your blood will redden the white dome that crowns the famous White House where you plot your crimes.

(quoted in Zimmermann)uti

  • The sovereignty of a people cannot be argued about, it is defended with a gun in the hand.

References

  1. ^ a b c d Nourishing Family Roots to Help a Campaign Bloom by Blake Schmidt, The New York Times, February 15, 2011
  2. ^ Neill Macaulay, The Augusto Affair, (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1967) p.49.
  3. ^ a b c d e f g h i j http://countrystudies.us/nicaragua/10.htm
  4. ^ latinamericanstudies.org/sandino/sandino7-1-27.htm
  5. ^ Max Booth, 'The Savage Wars of Peace: Small Wars and the Rise of American Power,' Pg. 236
  6. ^ Neil Maculay, Sandino Affair, Pg. 113
  7. ^ a b http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,881724,00.html
  8. ^ http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,731363,00.html
  9. ^ a b http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,731362,00.html
  10. ^ a b http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,785909,00.html
  11. ^ http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,731491,00.html
  12. ^ a b http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,786273,00.html
  13. ^ http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,785979,00.html
  14. ^ http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,928404,00.html
  15. ^ http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,723590,00.html
  16. ^ American foreign relations: a history. Since 1895, Volume 2, Thomas Paterson, J. Garry Clifford, pg. 163
  17. ^ American foreign relations: a history. Since 1895, Volume 2, Thomas Paterson, J. Garry Clifford, pg. 163-164
  18. ^ A Companion to Latin American History. Thomas H. Holloway ed. (Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010). P.409.
  19. ^ http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,737394,00.html
  20. ^ http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,880489,00.html
  21. ^ http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,737825,00.html
  22. ^ Sandino: Testimony of a Nicaraguan Patriot, 1921–1934, translated by Robert Edgar Conrad, Pg. 105-06
  23. ^ inter.gob.ni.geofisca/sis/managua72/mallin/great06.htm
  24. ^ http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,752790,00.html
  25. ^ http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,741427,00.html
  26. ^ http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,741476,00.html
  27. ^ a b c d e http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,745150,00.html
  28. ^ a b c d e f g h i http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,747103,00.html
  29. ^ http://archivo.elnuevodiario.com.ni/2000/febrero/19-febrero-2000/cultural/cultural7.html El Nuevo Diario

Texts

  • Hodges, Donald C. Sandino's Communism: Spiritual Politics For The Twenty-First Century. University of Texas Press (1992)
  • Macaulay, Neil. The Sandino Affair. Duke University Press. (1985) [1967].
  • Navarro-Génie, Marco. Augusto César Sandino: Messiah of Light and Truth. Syracuse University Press (2002).
  • Ramírez, Sergio and Conrad, Robert Edgar trans., "Sandino: The Testimony of a Nicaraguan Patriot 1921–1934" Princeton University Press (1990)
  • Wünderich, Volker. Sandino: Una biografía política. Editorial Nueva Nicaragua (1995). In Spanish.
  • Zimmermann, Matilde. Sandinista: Carlos Fonseca and the Nicaraguan Revolution. Duke University Press (2000).

External links


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